Information poverty has a significant impact on the quality of life for people with disabilities. Information and fiscal poverty substantially overlap in the UK: this group of users is disproportionately affected by the closure of resources such as telephone Helplines, Advice Bureaux, and local libraries.Some UK Public Service Institutions offer a Web site as a substitute medium for disseminating information; its attractions are that it is cheaper to construct and maintain a Web site than to pay the overheads of a free Helpline, or the production costs of alternative media. However, despite great improvements in the functionality and usability of assistive technology (e.g., screen readers for graphical interfaces), many people with print disabilities are denied ready access to electronic information because of its poor design.
Web designers as Information Architects share responsibility for creating an infrastructure which allows effective access to all users. We present some preliminary information architecture principles for accessible Web design, and reveal that there is little evidence to support the optimism that there is a near-time technical solution that will solve Web access problems for people with print disabilities. Education is needed to ensure that scarce public resources are not squandered on electronic Follies.
Prior to the emergence of the Web as a new technology for information location and retrieval, Williams and Clark (1992) argued that the much discussed information explosion reflected a growth in its distribution, rather than its creation. For IT literate people in the Western World, the popularity of Netscape, launched December 1994, and other browsers has augmented the practicalities and opportunities for creating and distributing information: it would be interesting to see an updated version of the paper which studies the contribution of Web-related technologies to this explosion.
By implication, the continuing vigorous growth and forecast ubiquity of the Web, considering its inclusion in the bundling of digital services and television which will be available in the U.K. later this year, decrease the likelihood of information and service providers continuing to fund parallel access or provision in other forms. For example it is already uneconomic for banks and saving societies to notify their account holders whenever there is a change in savings rates, or an alteration in the benefits which an account offers; a summary of current rates and benefits is displayed in local branches. A saver who wishes to maximise the returns on an investment must visit a local branch regularly to learn of any changes, and to make appropriate transfers. If such changes were updated and notified more rapidly on an institution's web site, then this may disadvantage savers who are not on-line and therefore can not respond quickly to this information. If there is an extensive uptake of on-line financial services, then institutions may seek economies by closing high-street branches; this would further reduce such users' access to information as well as making it more inconvenient, if not more costly, to use a financial institution's services.
Voluntary organisations, central government, and local authority financial budgets are under severe pressure to reduce costs; and the production costs of information dissemination (e.g., a Helpline; up-dating and printing leaflets to reflect changes with the timely parallel provision of Braille, large print, or audio formats) are an attractive target.
We suggest that an arena analysis of the Web reveals that users are currently excluded from participating in a developmental process which has profound implications for them. We draw attention to some parallels between the accelerated and aggressive municipal building projects of 1950s to 1970s, and current support for the widespread adoption of electronic communications and the Web as a preferred medium of information dissemination. We argue that where there is a public information remit, information architecture must support the diverse needs and technical realities of all the communities which it serves, and must not be suborned into building monuments to design which flatter the ego of the commissioning client, and seek the approval of architectural peers and critics, rather than the plaudits of the users.
Although the above are articulate and `visible' actors, there are users and consumers who are implicated actors because they feel the consequences of actions taken in the arena. It is tempting to obey Latour's injunction to "follow the technoscientist!" (Latour 1987) or even the technology's social visionaries, but arena analysis can more usefully view the phenomenon by examining the viewpoint of all of the actors, including the silenced or invisible ones.
Hackney (1990 pp 41-51) argues that the severe social deprivation of the notorious Hulme housing estate in Manchester, England, arose because the residents lost control over many areas of their lives, and the scale of structural problems they faced was beyond any individual's ability to remedy; "They had become unwilling and unwitting guinea pigs in a state dependency support system; they felt looked down upon because they had to rely on the local authority for help. Eventually the tenants stopped complaining. Their silence was a frozen violence, which was eventually to erupt in the horrific riots of 1981 and 1985" (pg. 47). The people most affected by the outcomes of the visions and dreams of others were those who had no voice in the development and implementation of these schemes; they had no representation in the arena where these decisions were made on their behalf by actors who had made no attempt to communicate with them, or to understand their needs. Poor housing has become synonymous with high unemployment, lack of opportunities, concentrated areas of social deprivation, and an impoverished quality of life. Such cautionary experiences should make us wary of inadvertently reproducing such disastrous consequences in our haste to implement utopian visions of information societies.
In the Hulme example it is not surprising that the residents were alienated from the buildings and social systems which represented at best the ignorance, at worst the contempt, of those who supported the schemes and built them. We do not claim that information poverty will of itself be responsible for social catastrophe, but we would argue that it can exacerbate the alienation and deprivation which is already a reality for a significant proportion of the U.K. population. We would further caution that the rhetoric of global villages, agora, and market-places, which embrace gender, creed, race, and disability can not be realised unless there is a willingness to communicate with the people who should populate these electronic landscapes, and to design the virtual buildings and spaces, based on an understanding of their needs, and cultural, and technical disparities. We argue for the enhanced role of information architects in the development and implementation of the Web.
information: a) the transformation of data obtained (e.g.) from observation or instrumentation such that their salient features are emphasised; b) the integration and organisation of such data trends into a form which allows it to be compared to, or re-evaluated in conjunction with, other observations, and which facilitates its communication to others who/which may accept or reject it as an addition to a personal or communal body of knowledge.
architect: a) one skilled in the weaving together of a technical knowledge of available materials and building techniques, with a sympathy for site landscape, and an understanding of the needs of both client and user, who, through creative synthesis, draws up appropriate specifications for the building of functional structures; b) one who develops the concept of, and creates the models and plans for, a supporting framework for the construction of organised space which facilitates multiple activities of a defined range within that flexible area.
information architect: a) one who highlights significant patterns in data, organising a complex mass to enable a clear perspective of its relevant features; b) one who provides a framework, or a map (with its inherent contextual information, Arnheim, 1986 pg. 195), which supports users' explicit and unarticulated needs, and assists them in a personal exploration of learning and knowledge; c) an (as yet) unregulated profession which addresses the humanistic needs of the Information Age, and focuses upon clarity, comprehension, and the human- centred interpretation of the science of organising and retrieving information.
information poverty: a condition where the lack of access to information resources can deny life opportunities, reduce personal development, and diminish the quality of life.
Moving on, we can see that developers and information scientists view the Web as a technology which has simplified the organisation of information depositories and opened them up to many people: it has enabled the dissemination of much that would otherwise have remained available to only a few (e.g. unique texts in the Vatican and British Libraries; corporate databases).
Commercial interests have sectional and collective perspectives: they have contributed to the development of ever more powerful Web technology which can work with a more sophisticated range of information formats (audio visual files, 3-D models) but encourage the purchase of more powerful computers with large amounts of memory to derive the full benefits. Corporations have recognised the success of the Web and used it to facilitate communication amongst its employees (using it as an Intranet tool) as well as communicating with customers.
An entrepreneurial perspective is that Web technology has stimulated a flow of opportunities, some of which will wither, others of which will flourish. Following the pattern of traditional industries a seed innovation prompts complimentary innovation leading to a new generation of hardware, software, and human services. The spread of the automobile would not have been practical without the complimentary activities such as a network of service stations, and the infrastructure of paved roads (Baba & Imai, 1993). The Web is instrumental in transforming traditional service industries into new, on-line services, such as home-shopping, home-banking, and distance learning. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) uses the Web to distribute supplementary material for some of its radio and television programmes. In 1996 the voluntary organisation Scope launched a Web page (http://www.scope.org.uk/) which carries information about its extensive support services. It has built on the experience of its successful (but costly) telephone Helpline to design an electronic version which provides answers to frequently asked question, and offers on-line fact sheets and contact details.
Graphic designers have various perspectives on Web technology; it is both a design challenge, and a source of job opportunity, allowing people to market Web design services, and to set up Web design companies. Many of these designers fulfil a specification to develop a corporate image which is appropriate for the new medium, but some seem ignorant that the primary task of most Web sites is to convey information in a readily accessible fashion to a wide community which includes those who do not have the hardware or access to the high band-width (e.g., those using a Nokia Communicator, a Web capable portable telephone; or people in non-Western countries) needed to support graphics and multi-media intensive pages.
Politicians of many Western countries have overworked the phrase "information superhighway" into a cliché almost before it has entered a dictionary. It is to the 1990s what Harold Wilson's "white heat of technological revolution" was to the 1960s. The reality behind this Utopian perspective and rhetoric is unclear. There is strong evidence from surveys that Internet access is mostly restricted to those in Western societies, with higher education, and an above average income; to people who already have computers and the skills to use them. Despite the numerous surveys of disability oriented mailing-lists, there is little evidence of a strong Internet presence for people with disabilities (PWD) within Europe. With some exceptions, far from trickling down and empowering those who currently suffer from data poverty, the Internet may exacerbate it by its increasing role as the new medium of information and service delivery.
Commentator Charles Handy (1994) believes that there are no easy solutions to the problems of new technology and offers this bleak caution: "The technology advances of the information age will either provide the means for the reinvention of society or accelerate its decline". He articulates the fears of many when he says, "Unless those who master the technology make it available to all, the information age could bring forward a new dark age, bringing riches to the very few and poverty to the majority".
The social unrest presaged by such forecasts is far short of an apocalypse, but it has prompted the major political parties to formulate policies concerning the Information Society and access for all. There was cross-party support for a proposal that lottery funding should be used to finance public access in libraries; but it was unclear where the money to fund maintenance and necessary upgrades to match further technological developments was to be found. The Labour Party launched a document which stated: "We wish to ensure that participation in the information revolution is available to all and not just the privileged few. There will always be those who cannot afford to link their own home into the communications networks, and we must ensure that such people do not become `information-poor' and sharply discriminated against as a result".
All the political parties recognise that there is a problem: they see the substantial overlap between plain, old-fashioned, fiscal penury and the newly minted information poverty. Politicians plan to tackle data poverty with measures such as the introduction of public access points in schools, libraries, and community centres. There is some optimism that cable and telecoms companies will accept social responsibility for access in isolated or deprived areas.
However, there is little recognition of the extra needs beyond the provision of a basic infrastructure which are necessary to ensure accessibility for PWD who make up a large sector of this information poor public. Too many have smiled wryly and said, "I can't even travel to my library, far less go into it. What are they going to do, bring laptops around with the mobile library?".
The plans for public access must include explicit acknowledgement of the special and diverse needs of disabled people across the age spectrum. There must be specific awareness of the issues of physical access to the places where the terminals are housed; the need for more accessible computers and software; and the funding of trainers to demonstrate them, with the time and technical competence to tailor them to the user's preferences.
Beyond these requirements, disabled people and those who use non graphical browsers need a strong commitment to ensure that material on the Web is accessible to them. It should be mandatory that public service or publicly funded bodies such as central or local government departments, colleges, universities, and the BBC, must set an example of good practice in accessible Web design. TV companies provide additional programme related information on the Web and Ceefax/Teletext: these can be excellent, and well-targeted resources; both have their uptake and usefulness diminished by present access issues.
When challenged about the poor accessibility of their Web sites for PWD who may be using a non-graphical browser some designers respond defensively. The most frequent perspective is that "Our information or products aren't relevant to disabled people. They're not our customers". Several designers have argued that "A heavily text-based approach is unglamorous. It's not in keeping with the leading-edge image of the company" or "The overheads aren't worth it". Such responses are intended to silence the users who do protest, and to undermine the status of people who do not meet the arbitrary technological criteria of perceived value as customers.
The assumptions underlying these arguments are false. The diversity of people with disabilities is so great that it is almost impossible to imagine that if information or a service is of sufficient interest to be posted on a Web page, it is not pertinent to any disabled people, or to users with limited bandwidth access. Web accessibility is not synonymous with text-based interfaces or documents. It requires sufficient planning and competence to provide (say) meaningful text alternatives to image links; or alternative routes to documents. An unusable web site which resists useful browsing by a large number of users can also conflict with the image a company or institution would like to promote. When challenged, nobody has cited a technical study or cost-benefit analysis that supports the claim that "The overheads aren't worth it".
There is a strong need for an education campaign which is aimed at people who commission Web sites, Web designers, and potential consumers. Both large corporations and small to medium sized enterprises are interested in the communication opportunities afforded by a Web site. It is important that the people who commission corporate or business sites are aware that there are significant accessibility issues, and that they specify accessibility as a requirement, both to enhance the numbers of potential consumers, and to make a positive commitment to socially or technically marginalised communities.
Designers need to explore and assimilate principles for information architecture, and to incorporate them into their regular working practices; they need to be aware of the specific needs of people with disabilities, and of users with restricted bandwidth. When information architects receive a commission which does not specify accessibility as a requirement, then they should discuss the issue with the clients, and ask them to agree to its primary importance.
Reluctant potential consumers of electronic information resources need to be encouraged to use the technology in a secure setting before they will be persuaded of its value. An exemplar of this is 3-M's market promotion of Post-its. Although Post-its had proved very successful within the company, other firms were reluctant to buy them as they could not see the value without first using them. 3-M took the decision to give the pads to selected companies, after which, they were rapidly converted (Nyak & Ketteringham 1986, pp. 50-73).
To be successful, acclimatisation to electronic communications and information retrieval must take place before there is a significant shift of information resources to electronic media. The experience of information poverty may have forced some users to construct a model of themselves in which they are typically passive recipients of information, not active seekers. Even with the development of sophisticated `agent' technology, it is likely that all information consumers will have to become more pro-active in articulating their needs.
If these information resources are not to be electronic Follies, then we suggest that the notion of community information architects and brokers may be of some merit. Advice bureaux and agencies already partially fulfil the rôle of information mediators and brokers but we would argue for an expansion of these activities during a period of acclimatisation. There are current small-scale projects in which potential service providers have supplied Web terminals in public spaces, in return for the right to advertise on those work-stations.
It is not infeasible that voluntary organisations would be able to fund professionals on an Information Aid basis, who would supervise clinics during which people could come with their information queries, and learn how to conduct a search, and to have it done for them. In 1977 the Architect's Journal reported that architecture students at half of the U.K.'s architecture schools were involved in work on community projects (ranging from playgrounds to meeting halls). Some Legal Aid Centres have a substantial number of law students amongst their volunteers; it would not be impractical to work out a scheme whereby students of computing, librarianship and IT, could earn course credits towards a projects for undertaking work in an Information Aid Centre.
A striking example of disabled people using information to improve the quality of their lives is highlighted by Dr. Chris Evans of St. Michael's Hospital, Hayle: "Several people have come to Out-patients recently bringing Internet printouts about their disability. They are extremely useful and we ought to be able to exploit these further". Increasingly, such information is only available through the use of Web browsers or similar technology; without the intervention of information architects, it may cease to be accessible. Knowledge can be like oxygen, its availability and quality is too important to allow others to decide on our access to it.
Baba, Y. & Imai, K. (1993). A network view of innovation and entrepreneurship: the case of the evolution of the VCR systems. International Social Science Jnl 135 SI Innovations in industry, technology and society, pp 23-34.
Becker, H.S. (1982). Art worlds. University of California Press: Berkeley.
Clarke, A.E. (1991). Social worlds/arenas theory as organizational theory. In: Social organization and social process: Essays in honor of Anselm Strauss (ed) Maines, D.R.. Aldine de Gruyter: New York. pp 119-158.
Hackney, R. (1990). The Good, the Bad and the Ugly. Muller: London.
Handy, C. B. (1994). The Empty Raincoat: making sense of the future. Hutchinson: London.
Haraway, D. (1991). Situated knowledges: The science question in feminism and the privilege of partial perspective. In: Simians, cyborgs, and women: The reinvention of nature. Routledge & Kegan Paul: London. pp. 183 201.
Latour, B. (1987). Science in action: How to follow scientists and engineers through society. Harvard University Press: Cambridge, MA.
Levy, M. & Salvadori, M. (1992). Why Buildings Fall Down. Norton: NY.
Mills, C.W. (1940). Situated actions and vocabularies of motive. American Sociological Review 6; pp 904-921.
Nyak, P.R. & Ketteringham, J.M. (1986). Breakthroughs. Rawson Associates: NY.
Pettersson, R. (1989). Visuals for information: research and practice. Educational Technology Publications: Englewood Cliffs: NJ.
Pfeiffer, B.B. (ed) (1992). Frank Lloyd Wright: Collected Writings, Vol. 1. Rizzoli, NY.
Strauss, A. (1978). Negotiations: Varieties, context, processes, and social order. Jossey-Bass: San Francisco.
Williams, J. & Clark, J.D. (1992). The information explosion: fact or myth?. IEEE Trans. Eng. Manag. 39 (1) pp.79-84.